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New York Monthly Herald. July 2006 Issue P. 52                                                                                          

OPINIONS & VIEWPOINTS

Is it moral to die for human shields?

By Dr. Aaron Lerner

               
"I have always maintained that there has to be proportional use of force, and governments have to be careful not to take action in areas where civilians are remotely likely to be put in harm's way" UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan 13 June 2006. Kofi Annan may indeed think it is not nice for the Palestinians to manufacture, store and launch rockets from within the Palestinian civilian population, but he rewards such behavior by arguing that Israel must respect the human shields - even if this means sacrificing Israeli civilian lives. The Palestinians argue that they have the right to murder the residents of Sderot as part of their  "right to resist the occupation".  But Yasser Arafat's September 9, 1993 letter to Yitzhak Rabin committing on behalf of the Palestinian People to "a peaceful resolution of the conflict. . . resolved through negotiations" forfeited whatever "right" to violent "resistance" the Palestinians could have conceivably had prior to Oslo. That's not to say that Arafat's letter and the agreements that followed it stripped the Palestinians of the ability to struggle for their interests. It just limited them to pursuing them via non-violent means - both on the domestic and the international front. In an ideal world Israeli technology would zap the rockets out of the sky, thus avoiding Annan's criticism.  But there simply isn't such equipment available tonight to protect the residents of Sderot from the next barrage. By the same token, while Israel has made strides in its ability to identify and target rocket teams as they deploy to launch, a considerable number of launches are carried out before the teams can be taken out. As a result, Israel finds itself  constantly having to choose between exposing Israeli civilians to the risk of being murdered by Palestinian rockets or taking action against the rocket teams and the infrastructure supporting the teams  where Palestinian "civilians are remotely likely to be put in harm's way." Right now Defense Minister Amir Peretz is opting to prefer the safety of Palestinian human shields over that of his neighbors in Sderot. This may play well among radical Left circles and the Kofi Annans of the  world but it remains nothing more than a grotesque perversion of morality. Ironically, when one compares IDF operations in the West Bank, where crack ground teams are constantly operating in urban areas with most "civilian" casualties limited to people who actively decided to remain at the scene of an operation, to the almost exclusively airborne operations Israel carries out in the evacuated Gaza Strip, one could readily conclude that the best way to reduce the loss of "innocent" Palestinian lives is for Israel to retake the Gaza Strip.

 

 

"Islamic countries have every right to nuclear energy"

Mubarak and Larijani during talks in Cairo.

The conflict over Iran's nuclear file may have brought Ali Larijani, Tehran's chief nuclear negotiator, to Cairo, but there are few signs that his visit will break the 27-year-old diplomatic freeze between the two countries, writes Amira Houwedi in AlAhram

It may have been unexpected, and the first of its kind for three decades, yet the visit of Ali Larijani, Tehran's chief nuclear negotiator and head of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, to Cairo on 10 and 11 June was surprisingly low key. Following an hour and a half long meeting with President Hosni Mubarak the Iranian official kept mum while the presidential spokesman explained only that they had discussed "bilateral" ties, developments in Iran's nuclear file and the Iraqi and Palestinian tracks. Later, at a joint press conference with Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa, Egyptians finally got a chance to see and hear Larijani, the highest ranking Iranian official to visit Egypt since Tehran cut diplomatic ties after Cairo signed a peace agreement with Israel in 1979 and provided asylum for the deposed Iranian Shah Mohamed Reza Pahlavi. Relations further deteriorated when Egypt backed Iraq during the 1980-1988 Gulf War. There were no signs that the visit -- an initiative on Tehran's side according to the Iranian Embassy in Cairo -- had mended any of these fences. Asked if his presence in Cairo would lead to improved Egyptian-Iranian relations, Larijani offered a diplomatic reply. "My being here is proof of our respect for Egypt's role and this respect is mutual," he said. While avoiding any mention of his meeting with Mubarak, Larijani praised the "conscious and strong Egyptian people". "We hope," he added, "that these issues [stalled relations] are solved in due time."  Larijani's surprise appearance in Cairo came less than a week after European Union foreign policy chief Javier Solana handed Iran a new package of "incentives" approved by the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council -- China, Russia, Britain, France and the United States, plus Germany -- in exchange for Tehran's suspension of uranium enrichment activities. On Sunday Larijani offered assurances to Arab governments, insisting Iran's nuclear activities constitute no threat to Arab and Islamic countries and that its nuclear programme is exclusively civilian. "The strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is to always side with Arab and Islamic countries," he added. After three years of inspections, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) failed to prove that Iran's nuclear activity is -- the US claims -- designed for nuclear weapons. Following his meetings at the Arab League Larijani held a press conference of his own at a Cairo hotel, where he sought to "clarify" to the media "floating misconceptions" regarding the incentive package presented to Iran. He denied that Iran was given a time limit to respond, or that the package contained preconditions.  "We wouldn't accept negotiations with prerequisites. We do not negotiate under pressure. There was no mention of sanctions either, otherwise we wouldn't have agreed to talk." The package, explained Larijani, contains proposals that envision a "solution for both sides and that will serve the interests of both".  He added that the proposals, which have yet to be made public, contained "some positive and some weak, ambiguous points".    CONTINUES ON P53